Spanish authorities returned 21 Moroccan migrants to Morocco on the night of Saturday, September 5, after the men threw stones and rocks at a joint Spanish army and Guardia Civil patrol on Ceuta's El Trampolín beach. Spanish sources report no injuries and no material damage, and say the men were arrested, identified, and sent back on the basis that they consented to a "voluntary" return.

The incident occurred near El Trampolín, the stretch of coast where one of the largest informal migrant camps appeared after tens of thousands of people entered Ceuta from Morocco in late July.

What happened before?

Days earlier, a criminal court in Ceuta ordered the deportation of 11 Moroccan nationals after a separate stone-throwing attack on a military patrol in the Benzu area that injured four soldiers. In that case, the defendants admitted participating and their prison sentences were replaced with deportation under a plea agreement.

Spanish officials have since stated that 69,500 migrants were returned to Morocco and described those returns as "voluntary." Legal constraints remain: Spain's Supreme Court has ruled that migrants intercepted at sea while trying to reach Ceuta or Melilla cannot be summarily sent back to Morocco, limiting some return options and fueling political debate over migration law.

Is a 'voluntary' return truly voluntary?

Spanish sources describe the 21 men as having agreed to their own return. In legal terms, a voluntary return differs from a forced deportation: it implies consent and can be tied to simplified procedures or assurances about treatment on return.

In Ceuta, the line between voluntary and pressured choices is not always clear. Many migrants have spent weeks in overcrowded camps, with limited access to services and uncertain prospects of regularization. Police operations, political pressure and public debate create an environment where agreeing to return may appear to be the most realistic option, even for people who would prefer to stay and seek protection or work.

How many unaccompanied minors remain?

Hundreds of unaccompanied minors remain in Ceuta in difficult conditions. The child protection system has registered 1,478 unaccompanied migrant children, and an estimated 1,200 more are still waiting to be identified.

• Save the Children Spain says the Ministry of the Interior has registered 2,500 "children and adolescents" in Ceuta so far.
• Social and neighborhood organizations estimate thousands of minors may still await identification and referral to protection services.
• Ordinary reception capacity for unaccompanied foreign minors in Ceuta stands at just 29 places.
• The Spanish government plans to transfer approximately 500 unaccompanied minors to the mainland, prioritizing girls and children under 13.

Many of these children sleep on beaches, in mountains and in precarious spaces while administrations discuss competencies, transfers and reception. Family reunification in Morocco remains the stated priority, but officials acknowledge that in most cases there is no realistic possibility of return. NGOs have warned of possible human rights concerns, including unprotected minors and alleged illegal returns.

What role does disinformation play?

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has repeatedly said there is no evidence that Moroccan authorities were behind the late-July mass crossings. He has stressed that Spanish intelligence and security services have not provided information suggesting Moroccan state involvement, and described cooperation with Rabat on migration as "frankly positive."

At the same time, Sánchez has accused social media networks "linked to Russia and Israel, as well as to the international far right" of spreading disinformation that helped fuel the crisis. He told Cadena SER that fake accounts had distorted a Supreme Court ruling on migrant returns, creating the impression that anyone reaching Ceuta by swimming could not be deported. He said this narrative was amplified by trafficking networks and political actors using migration to "attack not only Spain but also Europe."

Israel's foreign minister, Gideon Saar, called the allegations "brazen lies," while the Kremlin rejected any connection between Russia and the Ceuta migration crisis. Independent analyses have reported that Russia-linked accounts promoted a far-right narrative online during the crisis, though the precise scale and impact remain debated.

How does the US factor in?

US President Donald Trump has repeatedly criticized Spain's border management, tying his comments to disputes over defense spending and arguing that Spain does not pay what it should to NATO.

Morocco, meanwhile, is cultivating closer ties with Washington. Rabat has signed a six-month communications campaign with the US public relations firm Qorvis, worth 210,000 US dollars, as part of what Moroccan officials describe as a "golden age" in relations with the United States. Spanish officials are concerned that the Trump administration's posture may give Morocco confidence to challenge both the EU's external border and Spain's sovereignty over Ceuta and Melilla.

From Rabat's perspective, strong US backing can support pushes for new concessions on the status of the two Spanish enclaves, or at least harden its negotiating position on migration, security and regional influence. In this setting, each new incident — such as the stone-throwing and the 21 returns — is quickly absorbed into the wider narratives surrounding Ceuta.